Mass migration is not, as it seems, an organic emanation of humanity from poor countries, but a calculated project to repopulate the territory of the declining West, with racism its chief instrument, wrote John Waters.
In a two-part series titled ‘Europe’s Death Rattle’, John Waters explores mass migration with reference to Stephen Smith’s book ‘The Scramble for Europe: Young Africa on its way to the Old Continent’.
Part I discusses – as the culmination of a long-time plan – a global calamity of food scarcity, due to Covid measures and ‘sanctions’, which will cause record numbers of mainly African migrants to enter Europe seeking food.
As Waters’ articles are longer than most would read in one sitting, we are breaking Part II, headed ‘Open Borders, Shut Mouths’, into shorter sections and publishing them as a series titled ‘The Suicide of Europe’. This article is the eighth in our series.
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By John Waters
The rich north and the poorer south
One of the things the manipulators and agitators fail to reveal is that, as Stephen Smith outlines, the divides in the contemporary world are not so much, as previously, between poor countries and rich countries but internal to countries in both the ‘rich’ North and the poor(er) South. Globalisation has, since about 1980, created new forms of economic division, by which this rich-poor split became internal to nations, North and South, rather than between First and Third words per se.
‘Today,’ writes Smith, ‘the West shares with “the rest” the fact that wealth no longer divides the world into rich and poor nations as much as it separates the winners and losers of globalisation in each country. Africa, unfortunately, is the only part of the world that has so far lost out on both counts: its internal disparities have dramatically increased, while at the same time it has not gained enough ground relative to the standard of living in the developed world due to its population growth and the law of large numbers.’ This is in part due to the constant haemorrhaging of its population to wealthier lands.
And all these conditions have been exponentially exacerbated by Covid-justified asset-stripping of the middle-classes of all countries in favour of the richest-of-the-rich in the three years since The Scramble for Europe was published.
Europe’s collective death wish
There are those who, surveying these incontrovertible facts, decide that Europe, the Old Continent, has contracted some kind of collective suicidal ideation, a death wish, perhaps based on an inability to imagine itself beyond its present ‘progressive’ incarnation.
The British writer, Douglas Murray, in his 2017 book The Strange Death of Europe, writes: ‘Europe is committing suicide. Or at least its leaders have decided to commit suicide. Whether the European people choose to go along with this is, naturally, another matter . . . I mean that the civilisation we know as Europe is in the process of committing suicide and that neither Britain nor any other Western European country can avoid that fate because we all appear to suffer from the same symptoms and maladies. As a result, by the end of the lifespans of most people currently alive, Europe will not be Europe and the peoples of Europe will have lost the only place in the world we had to call home.’
Most European countries are now struggling to perform the impossible trick of maintaining themselves at half the replacement rate for indigenous populations: 2.1 children per adult female. By 2060, applied to present demographics at present rates of population decline, there will be a 45 to 50 per cent fall in the population of what is now the European Union. At present rates of decline, the indigenous populations of many European countries will have collapsed to the tune of 85 per cent by the end of the present century.
In some instances, these figures are being massaged to present a rosier picture than actually pertains. Ireland’s current fertility rate, for example, is officially at 1.7, but this is a composite figure, concealing the rather different patterns prevailing within the indigenous population compared to those among recent arrivals from countries where the birth rate is many multiples of Ireland’s. Whereas in 1970, the Irish fertility rate was 3.8, it is now less than one-third of that figure, having collapsed to a little above 1.1 — half the replacement rate.
Abortion, which is promoted by the same forces and interests that are pushing mass migration, is a key element of the suicide of Europe. The countries that have legalised abortion are the ones leading the plunge into the demographic abyss.
Worst of all is that Europeans are not even permitted to openly discuss what is happening to them.
Murray again: ‘Europe today has little desire to reproduce itself, fight for itself or even take its own side in an argument. Those in power seem persuaded that it would not matter if the people and culture of Europe were lost to the world. Some have clearly decided (as Bertolt Brecht wrote in his 1953 poem ‘The Solution’) to dissolve the people and elect another . . .’
He identifies two main causes for Europe’s drastic situation. One is mass migration into Europe, which he says turned Europe from ‘a home for the European peoples’ to ‘a home for the entire world’. The lack of integration and assimilation made innumerable places in Europe into places that were not European in the least. The normalisation of mass immigration and the delusional expectation of integration blinded us to the truth about what has been done. We Europeans know, says Murray, that we cannot become Indian or Chinese, yet we are expected to believe that anyone in the world can move to Europe and become European.
The second factor he identifies was the destruction by Europeans of their own beliefs, traditions and legitimacy. Europe had forgotten that everything you love ‘even the greatest and most cultured civilisations in history, can be swept away by people who are unworthy of them.’ The myth of progress is used, he says, to blinker the people of Europe to the calamity unfolding in their midst. Europe is weighed down with guilt about its past. And there is also, he says, a problem in Europe of ‘existential tiredness and a feeling that perhaps for Europe the story has run out and a new story must be allowed to begin.’
We are, as a result, in the process of replacing an ancient tradition based on philosophy, ethics and the rule of law, with a shallow anti-culture based on ‘respect’, ‘tolerance’ and ‘diversity’ — trite concepts with no effective meaning other than the imposition of a bar on speaking one’s mind. Had it been possible to discuss what was unfolding, Murray writes, some solution might have been reached. ‘Yet, even in 2015, at the height of the migration crisis, it was speech and thought that was constricted.’
The loss of ‘unifying stories’, he says, ‘about our past and ideas about what to do with our present or future’, would be a serious conundrum at any time. During a time of momentous societal change and upheaval, it is likely to prove fatal. ‘The world is coming into Europe at a time when Europe has lost sight of what it is. And while the movement of millions of people from other cultures into a strong and assertive culture might have worked, the movement of millions of people into a guilty, jaded and dying culture cannot.’
Such a hypothesis might seem to invite a degree of compassion for Europeans themselves — on account of their psychological inability to continue ‘taking care of business’ as they once did. This might, in turn, be seen as some kind of admixture of residual Christian empathy (for the newcomers) and the guilt (concerning Europe’s imperial past) that might seem to underpin it.
But there is a less flattering interpretation: that the dominant note in this dissonant fugue of self-justification is actually the unspoken selfishness of the present generation of ‘adult’ Europeans, who are so indifferent to the fates of the children they have permitted to be born in the decades since the 1960s — that they are prepared to sell their birthright of homeland to dramatise their virtue or ameliorate their guilt. Thus, the elaborate shows of middle-class approval that have greeted the multiple recent invasions of Europe under the subvention of invisible manipulators have concealed a darker fact: that the ageing European natives do not lose sleep about what happens to those who come after them; possessing no real beliefs, they have no heed of the future or the consequences of their actions in the present; and they do not care if Europe turns into a satellite of an Africa dying for different reasons, once they are gone.
About the Author
John Waters was a journalist, magazine editor and columnist specialising in raising unpopular issues of public importance. He left The Irish Times after 24 years in 2014 and drew the blinds fully on Irish journalism a year later.
Since then, his articles have appeared in publications such as First Things, frontpagemag.com, The Spectator, and The Spectator USA. He has published ten books, the latest, Give Us Back the Bad Roads (2018), being a reflection on the cultural disintegration of Ireland since 1990, in the form of a letter to his late father.
The above is an extract from his article ‘Europe’s death rattle, Part II’. You can read Part I HERE. Follow John Waters’ work by subscribing to his Substack HERE.
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