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Biological Men Should Not Be in Women’s Prisons: Rights Group Back in Court

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A women’s rights group returning to court over the placement of biological men who identify as women in women’s prisons might sound like a specific legal dispute. In reality, it cuts to the heart of a much wider cultural conflict. At stake is not only prison policy, but whether safeguarding frameworks built over decades to protect biological women can survive the pressure of rapidly shifting ideological demands.

The case raises an uncomfortable question for policymakers and institutions alike: If rules designed to protect vulnerable women are overridden in the name of inclusion, who bears responsibility when those protections fail? The fact that campaigners are being forced back into court suggests the issue is far from settled, despite repeated attempts to frame it as such.

Biological Men Should Not Be in Women's Prisons Rights Group Back in Court Sex Women Safeguarding Scotland

Why the Case Has Returned to Court

A year ago, members of women’s rights group For Women Scotland celebrated leaving court having pursued a long legal battle for the terms “woman” and “sex” in existing equality legislation to refer to biological sex rather than self-defined gender identity.

Now, the same group is back in court challenging a Scottish government policy that allows male prisoners who identify as women to be held in female jails. The case was heard at the Court of Session in Edinburgh on Tuesday, February 3rd.

The legal challenge centres on whether biological sex can be lawfully set aside when determining prison placement. The women behind the case argue that housing male-bodied prisoners, even those who identify as women, in women’s prisons introduces clear and foreseeable risks, particularly in environments already marked by high levels of trauma, abuse, and mental illness.

Recent policy shifts have leaned heavily on gender identity as the primary determinant, often with minimal external scrutiny. Critics insist that these decisions prioritise theoretical protections for a small number of male prisoners over the safety and wellbeing of the much larger female prison population.

Similar disputes have surfaced internationally. In Canada, for example, multiple cases have involved assaults committed by male prisoners identifying as women inside female institutions, prompting renewed debate over safeguards.

Women are “Pawns for Political Gain” in Prisons

Aidan O’Neill KC, representing the rights group, described Scottish government’s policy in court as “Orwellian“, arguing it treats women as “pawns for political gain” in the transgender prisoner dispute. O’Neill also criticised the government for relying on ideological arguments driven by activist groups rather than legal precedent when defending the placement of male-bodied inmates identifying as women in women’s prisons.

The Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) has publicly stated that allowing biologically male prisoners in women’s prisons would mean the facilities are no longer “single-sex” and emphasised the need to protect “the rights to safety, privacy, and dignity” of women prisoners.

In a 2021 High Court ruling on similar policies (FDJ vs SSJ), the court acknowledged that housing male prisoners identifying as women in women’s prisons “carries a statistically greater risk of sexual assault upon non-transgender prisoners” and that women may suffer “fear and acute anxiety” as a result of such placements.

Meanwhile, it was reported in 2018 that 48% of transgender offenders were serving time for sexual offences, compared with 19% of the overall prison population.

Is Safeguarding Being Sidelined for Inclusion?

Supporters of the women’s group stress that this is not a debate about identity, but about risk management and safeguarding. Women in prison are among the most vulnerable groups in society. Many have experienced sexual violence, coercive control, or long-term abuse, and are disproportionately affected by mental health conditions.

The presence of male-bodied inmates in these spaces alters the risk profile fundamentally. Even in the absence of physical assault, the impact on women who have suffered male violence can be severe. These concerns are supported by established research on trauma and incarceration, yet are often dismissed as hypothetical.

Safeguarding, by its nature, involves drawing lines. Prisons already segregate inmates by sex, age, and security classification precisely because unmanaged proximity increases harm. The women bringing the case argue that sex-based boundaries are no different.

Legal Ambiguity and Institutional Reluctance

One of the most striking aspects of the dispute is the reluctance of institutions to speak plainly about the trade-offs involved. Prison authorities and government departments often rely on broad assurances that risks can be managed, while offering little transparency about how decisions are made in practice.

This ambiguity places frontline staff in a difficult position. Officers are expected to reconcile competing legal obligations with limited guidance, while women prisoners have few effective routes to challenge placements that make them feel unsafe. When incidents occur, details are frequently withheld, limiting public accountability.

As a result, the courts have become the primary forum for resolving what policymakers have failed to confront. Each case forces judges to weigh equality law against the state’s duty of care, a balance that remains legally and morally contested.

A Broader Pattern Beyond Prisons

The prison debate reflects a broader pattern across public policy. Similar disputes have arisen in women’s refuges, hospital wards, and competitive sports, all rooted in the same unresolved tension. Should gender identity override biological sex in contexts where physical safety and vulnerability are central concerns.

In many cases, institutions initially insist that inclusion poses no risk. Over time, exemptions and policy revisions quietly follow, often after incidents that could have been anticipated. Prisons simply expose the consequences of this approach more starkly than most.

For the women bringing the case, the courts represent not an ideological battleground, but a last remaining safeguard. When internal reviews and public debate are insufficient, legal challenge becomes the only mechanism left.

Final Thought

The return of this case to court underscores a basic reality. Policies that affect vulnerable populations cannot rely on ideological certainty alone. Safeguarding demands clarity, honesty, and a willingness to acknowledge biological reality alongside legal principle.

Whether the courts ultimately rule in favour of the women bringing the challenge or not, the persistence of these cases points to a deeper failure of policy. When the same questions keep resurfacing, it is usually because they have not been answered honestly. In this case, the unresolved issue is simple. How far should institutions go in accommodating identity claims when doing so risks the safety of women.


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g.calder
I’m George Calder — a lifelong truth-seeker, data enthusiast, and unapologetic question-asker. I’ve spent the better part of two decades digging through documents, decoding statistics, and challenging narratives that don’t hold up under scrutiny. My writing isn’t about opinion — it’s about evidence, logic, and clarity. If it can’t be backed up, it doesn’t belong in the story. Before joining Expose News, I worked in academic research and policy analysis, which taught me one thing: the truth is rarely loud, but it’s always there — if you know where to look. I write because the public deserves more than headlines. You deserve context, transparency, and the freedom to think critically. Whether I’m unpacking a government report, analysing medical data, or exposing media bias, my goal is simple: cut through the noise and deliver the facts. When I’m not writing, you’ll find me hiking, reading obscure history books, or experimenting with recipes that never quite turn out right.

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