Most people assume the number of countries in the world is a matter of fact – 195, 197 or 193 depending on which trivia book they memorised. But under any kind of scrutiny, confidence always collapses. The modern international system is not a tidy grid of neatly recognised sovereign states. Instead, it’s a political marketplace shaped by military protection, UN gatekeeping, historical grievances, global alliances and raw geopolitical leverage. If Kosovo counts as a country, should Abkhazia? If Palestine is an observer state, why not Somaliland, which runs peaceful elections and functions better than many UN members?
So, what actually makes a country a country? And more importantly, why do some de facto nations remain invisible?
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Why the Official “193” Doesn’t Really Work
The United Nations list 193 member states and 2 observer states (Palestine and Vatican City). Textbooks often add Taiwan and Kosovo to reach the tidy, popular figure of 197 countries. All these numbers form separate consensus illusions, not clean classifications.
For example, Taiwan was once a founding UN member that was pushed out in 1971 to make way for Beijing. This was not a legal correction – it was a political deal struck during the Cold War. Kosovo exists because NATO forced Serbian withdrawal, and its independence is secured only by Western military backing. Both cases reflect power rather than principle, and if they qualify, then the entire global recognition structure begins to unravel.
Nations Without Permission: The De Facto States
What about the unrecognised or partially recognised territories that meet many – and sometimes all – of the “criteria” of statehood? Are they only excluded from the “official” country count because the most powerful Western governments choose not to recognise them?
Abkhazia and South Ossetia
These two territories broke away from Georgia after wars backed by Russian military power. They:
- Run their own governments
- Hold regular elections
- Use the Russian Ruble
- Maintain their own borders
Abkhazia has even minted its own coins and banknotes – a stronger marker of sovereignty than Kosovo, which uses the Euro by EU tolerance rather than by any official treaty.
In fact, one of the only real differences between these states is which great power protects them. Kosovo is backed by NATO, whereas Abkhazia and South Ossetia are supported by Russia. Does recognition follow alliances rather than principles?
Transnistria
The sliver of territory between Moldova and Ukraine mirrors the Georgian breakaways almost exactly. Transnistria, officially the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR):
- Declared independence from Moldova
- Won de facto autonomy after a war supported by Russia
- Runs its own institutions and armed forces
- Issues its own currency, the Pridnestrovian Ruble
Transnistria, then, functions almost as a fully self-governed state. Is the West ignoring its existence because it’s backed by Russia?
Northern Cyprus
The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus emerged after Turkey intervened in 1974 following a coup in the Greek part of the island. Greek Cyprus seemingly only wants reunification on its own terms, and the decades since separation have led to a state that:
- Has its own elected government
- Uses the Turkish Lira
- Is protected by the Turkish military
Interestingly, when Cyprus applied to join the EU in 2004, a reunification referendum was required. Turkish Cypriots actually voted in favour of reunification, even against its own government. It was the Greek Cypriots who rejected it – effectively choosing to preserve the division.
Somaliland
Perhaps the most compelling case of all, Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991, after genocide under the Barre regime. For the past 34 years, it has:
- Held peaceful elections
- Maintained its own army
- Used its own currency (the Somaliland shilling)
- Remained arguably much more stable than Somalia itself
Somalia does not appear to have any capacity to govern Somaliland. Yet international powers do not recognise the de facto state, with some attributing the situation to maintaining regional stability. Rather than for legal reasons, it seems recognition is being held back to avoid angering other African governments who fear their own separatist regions may feel emboldened. In Somaliland’s case, it seems the situation is less about statehood, and more about precedent.
What Does the World Think a Country Is?
International relations textbooks point to the Montevideo Convention (1993), which defines a state as requiring:
- A permanent population
- A defined territory
- A functioning government
- Capacity for foreign relations
But these are guidelines, not a ruleset. If Montevideo were applied strictly, then Somaliland would qualify, and arguably Palestine would not. Taiwan definitely would, and several UN members – such as Yemen, Libya and Somalia – would fail.
Recognition, in that case, is not related to meeting any international criteria. Instead, it’s granted by geopolitical acceptance, especially by major powers.
Diplomacy scholars have referred to this blurriness as the “sovereignty cartel” – the idea that recognised states collectively gatekeep who gets to join their “club”. That label would make it the only group on earth where membership is determined by everyone except the applicant.
A Country is Whatever Powerful States Say it is
If we look at examples of countries that have come into existence since 1945, patterns emerge:
- Bangladesh became a country because India won a war against Pakistan
- East Timor became a country because Australia guaranteed its security
- Kosovo became one because NATO forced Serbia to withdraw
- South Sudan separated with support from the international community
- Taiwan stopped being a country because the US switched sides in 1971 to counterbalance the Soviet Union
- Crimea did not gain independence because its protector, Russia, was deemed geopolitically unacceptable to the West
Other States That Break the Framework
There are more outliers to consider, such as:
Western Sahara (Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic)
Morocco invaded and annexed most of Western Sahara, forcing Spain’s withdrawal in 1975. In 1976, the Polisario Front declared the independence of Western Sahara as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). The SADR is recognised by 46 member states, with 38 others recognising but subsequently suspending recognition pending the outcome of a referendum on self-determination. It’s also a member of the African Union, and the UN General Assembly recognised the right of the Western Sahara people to self-determination and that the Polisario Front as the official representative of the population.
Except for the US and Morocco itself, no state recognises Morocco’s annexation of Western Sahara.
Curaçao, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands
All of these:
- Have their own governments
- Control internal affairs
- Have separate football teams
- Negotiate some international agreements
But are not separate countries because their parent states say so.
The Cook Islands
In a particularly confusing case, the Cook Islands land simultaneously in both country and non-country camps. It is officially a “self-governing state in free association with New Zealand” and can sign treaties independently. Some UN agencies treat it like a sovereign state, while others do not.
All Cook Islands nationals are New Zealand citizens, and the head of state is the Monarch of New Zealand. As of 2025, the Cook Islands has established diplomatic relations with at least 65 UN member states as well as Vatican City, Kosovo, Niue and the EU.
The US recognises Cook Islands’ independence, while others like France do not.
Final Thought
The real world is full of countries that behave like states but lack recognition, and recognised states that barely function as such. The idea that there are 193, 195, 197, 202 or more depends on an obscure list of factors including who supplies military backing. Entire populations are being shifted like pawns in a board game by the states that already hold the power. The boundaries of sovereignty are not facts but the results of geopolitical negotiation – fragile, changeable, and often even hypocritical.
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