Prophet Muhammad’s views and other Islamic doctrines institutionalise male dominance over women through guardianship, unequal inheritance and divorce rights, and evidentiary standards that disadvantage women in cases of sexual assault.
Islamic norms regarding the seclusion of women, the lack of a formal age of consent and the perception of female sexuality as a source of social chaos are factors that lead to the victim-blaming of both Muslim and non-Muslim girls and women who are raped by Muslim men.
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Last year, Rupert Lowe MP (Restore Britain) launched a campaign to raise funds to hold an independent national inquiry into the UK’s Muslim rape gangs. This year, the victim-led Rape Gang Inquiry was held, during which testimonies from victims, parents, carers, politicians, a variety of experts and whistle-blowers were heard over ten days, from 2 February to 12 February. On 16 June 2026, the Inquiry released its report.
Beginning on page 116, the report describes the ‘Influence of Islam’ on rape gang members. We have republished a part of the section below, excluding details of the sources used. You can read the full report HERE.
The Influence of Islam
Table of Contents
Superiority and Dominance of Men Over Women
Islam establishes that men hold the position of managers or maintainers (qawwāmūn) over women, as stated in Sura 4:34, where the role involves ensuring women remain in their proper state. Under Islamic law, every woman remains under the guardianship (walī) of a male relative. Normally, this is her father. Should the father be unable to serve due to death, loss of mental capacity, or apostasy from Islam, a specified order of male relatives from the paternal line steps in, starting with the paternal grandfather, then sons, brothers, nephews, and uncles. Sura 4:34 further authorises men to discipline their wives, including through physical violence.
Numerous authoritative sources and sharia regulations reinforce the notion of women’s inferiority to men. Sura 2:228 declares that men hold a rank above women. The Prophet Muhammad stated that women are deficient in both religion and intelligence relative to men, and in the same hadith he noted that women form the majority of those in hell. He also taught that if a woman or a dog passes in front of a praying man, the prayer is invalidated (a reason mosques position men with their backs to women during prayer). Sharia obliges a wife to engage in sexual intercourse with her husband whenever he desires it; if she refuses, Muhammad said the angels will curse her until morning.
Divorce under sharia strongly favours men. A husband may unilaterally divorce his wife without stating a reason simply by pronouncing “I divorce you” three times. For a wife, obtaining a divorce is far more difficult, typically involving a formal legal process and often a financial cost. Following divorce, the mother may retain physical custody of young children up to a particular age, but the father retains legal guardianship. Moreover, if the mother remarries, she loses the right to have children from her previous marriage reside with her. Sharia rules on evidence further diminish women’s status, valuing a woman’s testimony at half that of a man’s.
Inheritance laws under sharia generally allocate women half the share given to men (for example, a son receives twice the portion of a daughter). A wife or wives together inherit one-quarter of a husband’s estate if he leaves no children, or one-eighth if he does leave children. In contrast, a husband inherits half of his wife’s estate if she has no children, or one-quarter if she does.
Sharia’s approach to rape also disadvantages women. Rape is categorised as a form of zinā (illicit sexual intercourse), the same offence that covers adultery and fornication. Zinā is defined as sexual intercourse between a man and a woman who is neither his wife nor his slave. There is no distinct offence of rape; it is treated as coerced zinā (and marital rape is not recognised). The penalty for the rapist mirrors that for consensual extramarital sex: 100 lashes for an unmarried person or stoning to death for one who is or has been married. When a woman accuses a man of rape, her consent is presumed unless both the act of penetration and her lack of consent are proven by four male eyewitnesses who each directly observed the man’s penis entering the woman’s vagina. (Naturally, the presence of four men witnessing a rape without intervening makes it highly improbable they would testify in the victim’s favour). Should a woman allege rape but fail to produce the four required male witnesses, she risks being convicted of zinā on the basis of her own accusation. In 2003, Pakistan’s National Commission on the Status of Women reported that up to 88% of women imprisoned in Pakistan were rape or gang-rape victims who, unable to meet the four witness requirement, were instead convicted of illicit sex.
Taken together, these sharia provisions that institutionalise male dominance over women exert a profound influence. In cultures shaped by Islam, boys can be raised to grow into men who assume rightful control over the women in their lives, confident in their inherent superiority.
The Seclusion of Women
Islamic law contains multiple provisions that mandate the covering and seclusion of women. It is widely recognised that a Muslim woman must cover most of her body when appearing in public. Additionally, sharia grants a male guardian the authority to restrict a girl’s or a woman’s movements, allowing him to confine a wife or daughter to the home and permit her to leave only when accompanied by a male relative and for a valid reason.
This is reflected in Sura 33:33, which instructs women: “Stay in your houses and do not flaunt yourselves.” One consequence of the sharia-derived culture of covering and seclusion is that a woman who appears in public without covering or remains outside the protected space of the home may be culturally perceived as unguarded and therefore sexually available or promiscuous. This notion, that an uncovered woman invites molestation, is suggested in Sura 33:59 of the Quran, where Muhammad is instructed that his wives and daughters should cover themselves so they are “not abused.”
Certain Islamic preachers have explicitly endorsed this view. Following the high-profile convictions of Muslim men of Lebanese background for rape in Sydney, Australia, the country’s Grand Mufti, Sheik Taj Aldin al-Hilali, controversially placed blame on the victims for not being covered and not remaining in their homes. He stated:
“If you take out uncovered meat and place it outside … without cover, and the cats come to eat it … whose fault is it, the cats’ or the uncovered meat’s? The uncovered meat is the problem. If she was in her room, in her home, in her hijab, no problem would have occurred.”
In making these remarks, Sheikh al-Hilali was presenting Islamic norms as the remedy to crimes of the kind committed by rape gangs. According to this perspective, if individuals adopted Islam and adhered to its rules, women and girls would be protected from such abuses because they would be kept secluded, placed under permanent male supervision, and rendered invisible to outsiders.
Forced Marriage and the Age of Consent
Under sharia, marriage takes the form of a contract arranged between two men: the groom and the bride’s male guardian (her walī). The structure closely resembles a contract of sale. The groom pays an agreed sum, known as the mahr, to the bride and in exchange she becomes sexually available to him.
Islamic jurisprudence sets no minimum age at which a girl or a woman may be married. Religious authorities permit a father to arrange a marriage for his daughter even while she is still an infant. The Prophet Muhammad himself married Aisha when she was six, an arrangement made between Muhammad and her father, and consummated the marriage when she was nine. The Quran itself addresses the remarriage of a divorced girl who has not yet reached menstruation (Sura 65:4).
Sharia distinguishes between types of guardians. The bride’s father or paternal grandfather is termed a walī mujbir (‘forcing guardian’), because certain schools of Islamic law allow him to compel a virgin daughter or granddaughter into marriage without her consent. The notion that a girl must reach a particular age before she can consent to sexual activity is foreign to Islam. In Islamic teaching, the only lawful context for a woman to consent to sex is through marriage, and even that consent is not always required.
Significantly, the Arabic term nikāḥ denotes both marriage and sexual intercourse. Sharia in effect merges the two concepts. An unmarried woman is forbidden from engaging in sex, while a married woman has no right under sharia to refuse sexual relations with her husband. Hadiths further state that a virgin’s silence constitutes consent to marriage. This merging of consent to marriage and consent to sex sheds light on Dr. Hill’s account that her rapists interpreted their victims’ silence as consent to the rape, drawing on these same hadiths.
Islamic scholars differ on the degree of physical or emotional maturity needed for sexual intercourse within marriage. Some hold that the onset of puberty serves as the threshold for readiness, though Muhammad consummated his marriage with the nine-year-old Aisha before she reached puberty and others permit ‘thighing’ (intercrural sex) with a wife who is menstruating or considered too young for vaginal penetration. This practice Dr. Hill also described.
These observations suggest that Muslim grooming gangs may exhibit religious and cultural indifference to the modern concept of an age of consent. In an interview, Andrew Norfolk, one of the first journalists to expose Britain’s rape gang scandal, stated that
“although Islam prohibits sex outside marriage, all four schools of Islamic jurisprudence teach that a girl can be married when she reaches puberty, which on average in Britain is 11.”
“When the Muslim Brotherhood Government took power in Egypt, one of the new laws they were going to introduce was to lower the age of consent from 18 to 13, and disappointment was voiced by certain Salafis and Muslim Brotherhood scholars that it wasn’t nine.”
“Islamic State had nine as the permissible age for marriage. I don’t think there’s the same sense of wrongness and shame in some cases about having sex with a 12-year-old girl.”
Female Sexuality
Islamic canonical sources portray women as possessing sexual desires that are at least as strong as men’s, if not stronger and view these desires as potentially harmful to men. The Prophet Muhammad stated: “After me I have not left any trial more severe to men than women.” The Arabic term fitna used here denotes a severe trial that can involve seduction or temptation leading people astray from faith, and it also carries connotations of chaos that disrupts social harmony.
Muhammad further suggested that men are susceptible to sexual temptation, explaining that Allah has preordained a portion of zinā (unlawful sexual intercourse) for every man: “Allah has written for the son of Adam his inevitable share of zinā whether he is aware of it or not.”
One practical expression of anxiety over women’s sexuality is the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM), which various schools of Islamic law either require or strongly recommend as a way to curb excessive female sexual desire.
Another reflection of the perceived danger posed by female sexuality is the strict separation of the sexes, enforced through practices such as veiling women’s bodies, restricting them to the home, and the Quranic directive against men and women gazing at one another:
“Tell the believing men that they should lower their gaze and guard their private parts. That is purer for them. Surely Allah is aware of what they do. And say to the believing women that they should lower their gaze and guard their private parts, and not show their charms.” (Sura 24:30–31)
Dr. Hill described being subjected to this rule in practice: “I was told to look at the floor when I was around Muslim men.” She was informed that if a woman looks at a man, “that means she wants to have sex with him.”
Although female sexuality is seen as a source of fitna, sharia assigns men regarded as more rational and better able to exercise self-restraint the God-given responsibility to oversee and regulate women. From this perspective, a woman who fails to comply with sharia norms – for instance, by appearing unveiled and unaccompanied in public – represents a danger to social order. In such a framework, responsibility for any sexual assault she suffers is often attributed to her own behaviour, especially when combined with notions of the inherent impurity of non-Muslims.
This outlook leads to non-Muslim women who appear uncovered and move freely without male supervision being labelled as ‘sluts’ who are eager to entice men. In this cultural context, a Muslim man who engages in sexual activity with such a woman bears no blame; the fault lies entirely with the woman.
Islamic teachings concerning the perilous nature of female sexuality and the moral inferiority of non-Muslims can reinforce and legitimise this pattern of attributing responsibility to the victim.
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