Breaking News

The Rape Gang Inquiry Report: Islamic collectivism and the Islamification of Britain

Please share our story!


One way to view the lack of British state officials addressing the rape gang scandal is as an incorporation of dhimmi-like submissiveness to Islam.

This mindset prioritises deference to Islam and Muslims above all else, while dismissing or assigning fault to non-believers.

From this perspective, the failure of authorities to act decisively against the grooming gang issue might represent a significant step in the gradual Islamisation of Britain.

Let’s not lose touch…Your Government and Big Tech are actively trying to censor the information reported by The Exposé to serve their own needs. Subscribe to our emails now to make sure you receive the latest uncensored news in your inbox…

Stay Updated!

Stay connected with News updates by Email

Loading


Last year, Rupert Lowe MP (Restore Britain) launched a campaign to raise funds to hold an independent national inquiry into the UK’s Muslim rape gangs.  This year, the victim-led Rape Gang Inquiry was held, during which testimonies from victims, parents, carers, politicians,  a variety of experts and whistle-blowers were heard over ten days, from 2 February to 12 February.  On 16 June 2026, the Inquiry released its report.

Beginning on page 116, the report describes the ‘Influence of Islam’ on rape gang members.  We have republished a part of the section below, excluding details of the sources used. You can read the full report HERE.

The Influence of Islam

Dhimmitude: Islam’s Treatment of Conquered Non-Muslim Peoples

Islamic jurisprudence also addresses the treatment of non-Muslim populations conquered through jihad. Classical sharia rules on jihad, defined as warfare waged against non-Muslims to extend the dominion of Islam, crystallised during the medieval era. As we have just noted, these rules divided the world into two fundamental categories: the dār al-Islām (“the house of Islam”), territories governed by Islamic authority, and the dār al-ḥarb (“the house of war”), territories under non-Muslim control.

Under this framework, non-Muslims fell into one of two groups. Those residing within the house of Islam were considered protected, provided they fulfilled specific obligations and were not legitimate targets of military action. By contrast, those living in the house of war could lawfully be fought, defeated, and upon capture enslaved.

When non-Muslim communities came under Islamic rule, they were granted conditional tolerance through a formal surrender agreement known as the dhimma pact. This arrangement allowed dhimmis (protected non-Muslims) to retain their religion, but only on the condition that adult males paid an annual tax called the jizya and that the entire community observed a range of restrictive regulations. As the renowned commentator Ibn Kathir explained, these rules were designed to ensure their continued humiliation, degradation, and disgrace.

If a dhimmi community was deemed to have violated the pact, whether by failing to pay the jizya or by breaching any of the imposed conditions, Islamic law permitted the resumption of jihad. In such circumstances, the full sharia regulations of war would apply: adult males could be killed, women and children enslaved, and the property of non-Muslims seized as spoils.

The dhimma framework imposed a permanent condition of insecurity on Christian (and other non-Muslim) populations under Muslim sovereignty. It has supplied a religiously sanctioned cultural template that continues to underpin the abduction, forced conversion, and coerced marriage of non-Muslim girls in places such as Egypt and Pakistan.

One way to view the involvement, or lack thereof, of British state officials in the rape gang scandal is as an incorporation of dhimmi-like submissiveness. This mindset prioritises deference to Islam and Muslims above all else, while dismissing or assigning fault to non-believers. From this perspective, the failure of authorities to act decisively against the grooming gang issue might represent a significant step in the gradual Islamisation of Britain.

Islamic Clan Culture

Evidence from the author and activist Ayaan Hirsi Ali at the Inquiry highlights that the grooming and rape gangs operating in towns such as Rotherham, Rochdale, and others are not isolated instances of criminality, but stem from imported pre-modern clan systems embedded within certain ethno-cultural communities, reinforced by specifically Islamic collectivism. As before stated, the crimes disproportionately involve perpetrators from Pakistani heritage backgrounds, with patterns rooted in honour- and shame-based dynamics that are wholly anathema to British norms.

The behaviour is deeply tied to tribal structures prevalent in parts of Pakistan, Afghanistan, the Middle East, North Africa, and Somalia:

  • Family honour is primarily vested in the conduct, modesty, and virginity of girls and women. Strict codes require obedience, covering, and restricted interaction with outsiders. Breaches within the community trigger severe sanctions, including honour killings or collective retaliation by male clan members.
  • When the target is a non-Muslim girl – particularly White British girls perceived as unguarded, dressed in Western styles and lacking male protectors – the risk calculation shifts. No retaliation is expected from the girl’s family or community, so some young men feel emboldened to treat her as property and then approach, assault, groom, share among the group, and sell her services.
  • This proprietorial view of women escalates into organised networks that traffic girls across regions. Impunity fuels the cycle: initial assaults without consequences create a perception of Britain as a place where such behaviour carries no risk, turning vulnerable girls into commodified products.

A key contrast emerged in evidence. When similar gangs targeted Sikh girls, the Sikh community mobilised men to confront and deter the perpetrators effectively. White working-class girls lacked equivalent collective protection, not least because authorities often silenced concerns with accusations of racism, allowing the abuse to persist and expand into modern-day slavery.

Even second-, third-, or fourth-generation immigrants raised in Britain continue these patterns, acting as demographic clusters where the clan system reproduces itself and intensifies, regardless of the wider culture. Ongoing immigration from such clannish foreign backwaters serves only to replenish and strengthen such communities.

While the foundational system is tribal rather than purely religious, Islamic elements provide ideological justification, communal shielding, and strategic expansion. Perpetrators sometimes hide actions from families, mosques, and imams because the behaviour brings disgrace to the community. Yet remorse toward British victims is limited because non-Muslim girls are not viewed as fully human individuals deserving protection, but as unprotected outsiders available for abuse without moral consequence. This fosters widespread silence within affected communities.

The Inquiry evidence points to a fundamental clash of worlds. Across the West, our historic respect for the individual has, thanks to mass immigration, been overpowered by the more primitive attitudes that prevail elsewhere, according to which group membership matters first and foremost. The elite obsession with diversity has invited the latter to take advantage of the former. Scare-words like ‘Islamophobia’ and ‘racism’ have been deployed to exploit the good will of Western host societies, paralysing investigation and enforcement.   

Featured image: Demonstrators march in the first national demonstration in the UK in solidarity with Palestine on 14 October 2023.  Source: The Guardian

Crowd of protesters marching with a large Palestinian flag covering the front of the procession at street level, signs visible among the participants in a city setting.

Your Government & Big Tech organisations
try to silence & shut down The Expose.

So we need your help to ensure
we can continue to bring you the
facts the mainstream refuses to.

The government does not fund us
to publish lies and propaganda on their
behalf like the Mainstream Media.

Instead, we rely solely on your support. So
please support us in our efforts to bring
you honest, reliable, investigative journalism
today. It’s secure, quick and easy.

Please choose your preferred method below to show your support.

Stay Updated!

Stay connected with News updates by Email

Loading


Please share our story!
author avatar
Rhoda Wilson
While previously it was a hobby culminating in writing articles for Wikipedia (until things made a drastic and undeniable turn in 2020) and a few books for private consumption, since March 2020 I have become a full-time researcher and writer in reaction to the global takeover that came into full view with the introduction of covid-19. For most of my life, I have tried to raise awareness that a small group of people planned to take over the world for their own benefit. There was no way I was going to sit back quietly and simply let them do it once they made their final move.
0 0 votes
Article Rating
Subscribe
Notify of
guest
0 Comments